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0056	Innermost Asia : vol.2
極奥アジア : vol.2

of Māni, 'attended by Persian priests who carefully observe their particular regulations and declare
the Buddhist books as heretical ',¹¹ has received striking confirmation in the discovery by Professors
Grünwedel and Von Lecoq of Manichaean places of worship at Kara-khōja, and in the remains of
Manichaean texts in Iranian as well as in Turkish language that have come to light there and
elsewhere.

Summer When Wang Yen-tē arrived at Kao-ch'ang in May, 982, the king, whose Turkish name Arslān
migration to Kagan he correctly renders as ' Lion king ', had retired to Pei-t'ing in order to escape the heat.
Pei-t'ing.
This was quite in accord with well-established custom of all sovereigns of Turkish stock, which,
in the case of the Kushān and Turkish rulers of the Indus region, of the Moghuls of Delhi and of
others, invariably led to the adoption of a summer capital in place of the original nomadic migra-
tion to pastures higher up the mountains. The extensive horse-breeding operations which Wang
Yen-tē attributes to the royal family, and for which a large valley above Pei-t'ing was specially
reserved, also show that the old tribal traditions were still preserved by the rulers. They were
evidently favoured by the great natural facilities for pastoral pursuits afforded by the sufficiency
of moisture and grazing on the north side of the T'ien-shan. Wang Yen-tē's description of the route
by which he proceeded from Kao-ch'ang to Pei-t'ing has been dealt with above.¹² His references
to three Buddhist temples at Pei-t'ing, two of them founded in 637, do not convey the impression
that the northern capital, otherwise described as abounding in ' pavilions, towers and gardens ',
was as rich in Buddhist sanctuaries as Turfān, and this agrees with what my observations at the
ruined site beyond Hu-p'u-tzŭ have led me to assume.

Wang Yen- Finally it deserves to be noted that Wang Yen-tē in his description of Pei-t'ing gives the
tē's account Uigurs credit for being not only straight and honest, but also intelligent and capable, excelling in
of Uigurs.
metal work of all sorts. That skill of this kind was probably possessed of old by nomadic races of
Central Asia to a much greater extent than was formerly supposed, has been fully established by
modern archaeological researches based upon discoveries widely distributed from Siberia to the
areas of Europe affected by the great migrations.¹³ Yet we can scarcely go wrong if in the Chinese
envoy's general eulogy of these Uigurs north of the mountains we recognize also the effect already
produced upon a sound Turkish stock by prolonged association with the old civilization in the oases
immediately to the south.

Uigur I cannot here attempt to trace the further history of Uigur dominion in the Turfān region,
dominion
under beyond mentioning those few data which have a direct bearing upon points of antiquarian interest
Mongol connected with its extant ruins. The extracts from the Chinese Annals of the Sung and Mongol
supremacy. (Yüan) dynasties which Dr. Bretschneider has collected in his Mediaeval Researches show that
conditions of Uigur rule over Turfān underwent no essential change right down to the establishment
of the Mongol Empire, even though early in the eleventh century the principal seat of the Uigur
rulers appears to have been shifted to Kuchā.¹⁴ The mention of numerous embassies to the Sung
court in the course of the eleventh century proves that relations with China were not interrupted
by the establishment of the Tangut kingdom in Kan-su.¹⁵ In the following century the Uigurs,
with other tribes and states of Eastern Turkestān, passed under the supremacy of the Kara-khitai
or Western Liao.¹⁶ When Chinghiz Khān was starting on his great expeditions westwards in 1209,
Barjuk, who was then the ruling 'Idikut' ('Lord of Happiness') of the Uigurs, joined the great
Mongol conqueror, and by active co-operation in all subsequent enterprises secured himself and

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