国立情報学研究所 - ディジタル・シルクロード・プロジェクト
『東洋文庫所蔵』貴重書デジタルアーカイブ
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| 0333 |
Tibet and Turkestan : vol.1 |
| チベットとトルキスタン : vol.1 |
引用情報
OCR読み取り結果
and execution of the other man, we call his act priv-
ate revenge or justifiable homicide, etc. If he is
acting with many others, through organised instru-
ments, we call this united action, "public justice."
The difference between condemnation made by
him who thus recognises the universal force of one
Power, from that made by him who thinks he
believes in many wills, lies chiefly within the
respective breasts of the critics. In the first case,
there cannot exist anything of bitterness; in the
second it may exist. Having thus by a little dis-
cursive philosophising taken away the sting from
my quarrel with British-Tibetan policy, lest the
Government die of it, we may set ourselves to an
inquiry into this most interesting and important
question.
As the brute power to execute its will against
Tibet undoubtedly exists in the British Govern-
ment, it is important to determine what are the
motives actuating British policy. The question is
not stated because of a conviction that national
policies are always clearly conceived and systemati-
cally followed by any government. Generally this
is not the case; haphazard and awkwardness proba-
bly play a larger part in the affairs of state than
they do in the affairs of John Smith. Yet in the
case we now consider, the territory in question lies
so far beyond the world's general movement that
the existence of any policy whatever, in its regard,
would suggest that such a policy must have definite
beginnings and direction.
If we turn to the past—to the spectacular days of
Warren Hastings, we need not hesitate to interpret
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