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0253 Serindia : vol.3
セリンディア : vol.3
Serindia : vol.3 / 253 ページ(白黒高解像度画像)

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doi: 10.20676/00000183
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may have remained under Tibetan influence somewhat longer. That the great mass of the Tibetan
records found at Mazār-tāgh, on wood and paper, must be assigned to this period cannot be sub-
ject to doubt ; for the inference drawn from their language and contents is fully confirmed by the
evidence of the coin finds already set forth above, as well as by the exact date furnished by one of the
Chinese documents which will be presently mentioned. It is equally certain that the prevailing
character of the contents is that of short military reports, requisitions, statements about arms, supplies,
and the like, as might be expected at an advanced post controlling an important route. But the
inventory prepared by Dr. A. H. Francke from which this general information is derived is not at
present within my reach, and, as his published notes on the Tibetan documents of my collection ⁷ do
not distinguish between records from Mazār-tāgh and Mirān, I must leave the examination of any
data of antiquarian or topographical interest to be gathered from them until later.

Neither Tibetan nor preceding Chinese political control is likely to have interfered with Documents
the use of the Khotanese language for purposes of local administration and personal communication in Kho-
in the Khotan region. This observation resulted already from previous finds of documents in tanese
Brāhmī script (Cursive Gupta) and Khotanese language at Dandān-oilik and elsewhere, and language.
the considerable number of similar records found at Mazār-tāgh, over seventy in all, has
fully confirmed it.⁸ They are mostly on paper, but a few are on wood, and some in complete
preservation. On certain of the Brāhmī paper documents red seal impressions can be traced,
such as are frequent on Tibetan papers both from this site and the fort of Mirān. A number of
bilingual records, with Khotanese text on one side and Tibetan or Chinese writing on the other,⁹
deserve special notice. They attest the need which must have made itself felt in administrative
routine for the concurrent use of the local language along with that of the power in military and
political control.

Here it may conveniently be mentioned that the fragmentary papers found in the Mazār- Manuscript
tāgh refuse-heaps include also two in Uigur and another small piece, M. Tagh. a. 0048, show- fragments
ing a script which seemed to me to be derived from Aramaic and possibly Early Sogdian. If the in Uigur
much-effaced writing on the fragment of a wooden tablet, M. Tagh. a. iii. 0061, is really and other
Kharoṣṭhī, as I thought at the time, it must obviously go back to a very early period of the scripts.
occupation of the site. On the other hand, a paper fragment bearing what seemed to me a
line of very cursive Arabic writing need not necessarily take us lower down than the Tibetan
period ; for we know that the Tibetans were in contact with the Arabs west of the Pāmīrs
early in the eighth century, and that Arabs from Western Turkestān actually found their way
right into China by A. D. 757.¹⁰

Notwithstanding the relative insignificance of their number, the Chinese documents from Chinese
the rubbish-heaps, all on paper, are of particular value on account of the antiquarian information records of
which they furnish, and which M. Chavannes' learning and minute care have fortunately rendered T'ang
accessible. It is solely on the translation and comments of that lamented great scholar that the times.
following observations are based.¹¹ In the first place should be mentioned the well-preserved docu- Document
ment, Doc. No. 974 (Plate XXXVI), which bears a full date of A. D. 786. It is an official certificate— dated
whether a clean copy or a draft is not certain—issued by the chancellery of a high Chinese dignitary A. D. 786.
bearing the title of Tu fu shih. Owing to the uncertain reading of a character, repeatedly recurring