Serindia : vol.3 / 254 ページ（白黒高解像度画像）

0254	Serindia : vol.3
セリンディア : vol.3

in the text and important for its comprehension, M. Chavannes has with critical caution refrained
from translating the contents. Chiang Ssŭ-yeh thought that he could interpret the document
as a kind of passport or safe-conduct. To the time when the Chinese administration still maintained
its authority, at least over parts of the Tarim Basin, belongs undoubtedly also the fragmentary
document No. 951. It mentions a Chinese military officer of high grade as well as An-hsi, i. e.
Kuchā, the seat of the 'Protectorate of An-hsi' from A. D. 658 to 787. The same observation
applies also to the fragments Nos. 962 and 967, the first containing the petition of a certain village and
the other naming the servant of a Chinese official who bears a very exalted distinction of T'ang
times.

Accounts of a very humble description referring to food issues and the like are found in
Nos. 963, 968. Fragments of Buddhist Sūtra texts, Nos. 955–61, the last with a Tibetan reverse,
and of a dictionary, No. 973, do not give any definite indication of their origin; nor does the writing
exercise, No. 965, offered by a certain pupil who states his family and its residence. But distinct
antiquarian interest attaches to the three large leaves and the portion of a fourth, Doc. Nos. 969–72
(Plates XXXIII–XXXV), which present us with the detailed and duly authenticated daily accounts of
the expenditure incurred by a Buddhist monastery during the last three months of a year and the
first of the next. Unfortunately no nien-hao is given, but M. Chavannes ascribed this very curious
record, no doubt with good reason, to the seventh or eighth century. The leaves, which measure
a trifle over 19 inches in length and over 11 inches across, were found folded up into one narrow
roll and secured by silk stitches, evidently for mere purposes of record after the accounts were
closed. Great care was taken about their verification; for after intervals of a few days the entries
were regularly signed by the monk acting as steward or bursar for the year, and in addition counter-
signed by the 'Karmadāna General', the Vihārasvāmin, and the Sthavira of the monastery.

There is no direct indication as to where the monastery was situated. But from the constant
references made to outlays on creature comforts and luxuries, unthinkable in a desert locality like
Mazār-tāgh, it appears to me quite certain that this curious monastic account must have found its
way here from a distance. There is other evidence also to support this conclusion. The notes
concerning certain items show that the monastic establishment lay within a cultivated populous tract
and in the vicinity of other Buddhist Vihāras.¹² That this locality belonged to the Khotan region
appears to me very probable in view of the position of Mazār-tāgh and of the mention of a payment
which was made on behalf of a monastic servant to the tax-collector of a certain rural district in the
'Hsi-ho 西河 region'.¹³ In this 'region of the Western River' M. Chavannes has, I believe,
rightly recognized a reference to the cantons west of the Kara-kāsh. These are now, too, com-
monly comprised under the general designation of 'Kara-kāsh' taken from the name of the river.
The location of the monastery in the Khotan region agrees well with the repeated mention of pur-
chases of wine and of carpet and felt making. These are all local products for which Khotan was
already famous in early times.¹⁴

That the exactly recorded prices for all kinds of food-stuffs, commodities, and labour are
of considerable interest for the economic history of the country does not require to be emphasized.

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