国立情報学研究所 - ディジタル・シルクロード・プロジェクト
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India and Tibet : vol.1 | |
インドとチベット : vol.1 |
DEFECTS IN OUR SYSTEM 409
put in control of India who has not even seen it from the
window of a railway-carriage, or probably spoken to a
single Indian or Anglo-Indian in his life. Even when
there does happen to be available a politician who has
visited India and specially studied it, who, being a peer,
has naturally some sympathy with the aristocratic inclina-
tion of Indian methods of rule, and who, being a Liberal,
might be expected to infuse into any too aristocratic
ill need of revision. The composition and action of the
methods a sufficiency of the English democratic spirit, he
is put (like Lord Crewe) to control Colonial affairs, while
another politician who is noted for his specially demo-
!R cratic inclinations, and whose knowledge of India is
purely literary, is put to control India. Such methods
may in practice produce very fair results, just as the
t~ House of Lords does, on the whole, work remarkably
well. But better methods would produce better results.
11 By the present system the confidence of administrators
ii can never be secured, and for that reason alone it stands
House of Lords are now subject to criticism, because peers,
not being elected, are supposed to be out of touch with
the feeling of the people. But, after all, the peers do live
in Great Britain, they do know the country and the
people and the conditions to a very great extent ; and
if, knowing all this, they do not yet possess the confidence
of the people, how much less can it be expected that
Englishmen in India could have any real confidence in
the present method of governing India from England ?
If the composition and methods of the House of Lords
need revision, how much more do the composition and
methods of the Imperial Cabinet need reform ?
Again, agents in India can hardly help feeling that
under the existing system less attention is paid to their
matured views than to the opinions of inexperienced
British electors. Not only is it that the latter are near,
while the former are distant, but also that the latter can
turn the London controllers of Indian affairs out of office,
while the former have to run the risk of being turned out
themselves. It stands to reason that the Indian Secretary
must be looking more to the will and wishes of the electors
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