said, usually rules the harem, and often rules the whole house. The universality of the contrast between the position of woman in nomadic and non-nomadic Mohammedan populations goes to show that the contrast is not the product of racial differences, but of nomadism.
The house of a nomad must of necessity be small, and cannot contain two rooms, save under the most exceptional circumstances. A visitor must enter the room where the women are at work, or else the women must work outside; and there, of course, they cannot be prevented from being seen by men other than those of their families. Then, again, at the time of migrations there are no shelters left standing, and the women cannot possibly be kept concealed. Moreover, they cannot be made to veil their faces. No one can work with a cloth hanging down over her face. The village woman bakes and brews and washes, and milks her few sheep and goats, in the seclusion of her own courtyard, where she can throw off her veil in the assurance that no strange man will see her. The nomad woman must work in semi-publicity, and cannot be bothered with a troublesome veil, especially when both hands are more than occupied in milking some of her many sheep. Accordingly, while the Khirghiz woman is very particular about her headdress, she makes no attempt to conceal her face. She is in the habit of meeting strangers, whether men or women, and she does it modestly, though without timidity. Indeed, she makes a most admirable hostess. Her freedom from seclusion does much, both morally and mentally, to elevate her above her less fortunate sisters of the villages.
Another side of nomadic life tends to strengthen the char-
IIIFカラー高解像度
