IIIFカラー高解像度
国立情報学研究所 - ディジタル・シルクロード・プロジェクト
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| Notes on Marco Polo : vol.1 | |
| マルコ=ポーロについての覚書 : vol.1 |
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引用情報
158. CINGHIS 355
lei-pien or in the short notice of Nayan (cf. 30); and I have failed to discover any such passage in the rest of the work. Moreover, there is nothing of the kind in the pên-chi of the YS itself, nor in the pên-chi of T'u Chi or in his account of Nayan (see «Naian »). The texts relating to the other Nayan, the descendant of Bälgütäi who has sometimes been confused with Polo's Christian Prince Nayan, are silent too on the point. One must exclude, however, the possibility that
PALLADIUS'S account was entirely baseless; the Russian sinologist must have found the original statement in some biographical notice, either in the Yüan-shih lei-pien or elsewhere. But in any case, no safe conclusion can be reached from this text as to the location of the tombs of the Great Khans. What PALLADIUS calls « the modern Talnor » is not of course the « Tal-nor » west of Kobdo, but the « Dalai-nor » of our maps situated about 120 kilometres north-north-east of Dolon-nor (see
«Barscoi »), GERBILLON'S « Taal-nor » (in DU HALDE, IV, 167-168), called ffi Q, Yü-êrh-po (or l
V x Yü-êrh-po), « Fish-Lake », 4 1Q,Pu-yü-êrh-hai, « Fish-catching Lake », and _A Q,
Ta-êrh-nao-êrh (*Dar-nor, ? possibly *Dal-nor) in the Mongol period (cf. Br, I, 48-49; it, 162-163). BRETSCHNEIDER explains it as Tala-nor, «Flat-land Lake», and PR EVALSKIÏ and POZDNtEV have adopted Dalai-nor, «Sea Lake ». The original form is doubtful, and may not be either Tala-nôr, or Dalai-nor, since the transcription of the Mongol period would regularly suggest *Dar-nôr, which
is indeed supported to some extent by the transcription ; . if] Ta-li-po, «*Dari Lake », of
Chinese geographical works, and by the modern form Dari-yangya (if the two are actually connected ; cf. TIMK0vsKI, Voyage à Péking, I, 206; PoPov, Mêng-ku yu-mu czi, 281, 291; TP, 1931, 166). But no form approaching any of these Chinese and Mongol names occurs in the accounts of Qubilai's campaign against Nayan, and we are left entirely in the dark as to the name which PALLADIUS equated with «Tal-nor».
But, whatever the truth on this point may be, it does not affect the question of the location
of the Imperial tombs. In a passage translated above (p. 342), Raid says that when the princes who were under the orders of Nomoyan rebelled (in 1276; see «Nomogan»), most of the chiliarchy guarding the Imperial tombs joined the troops of Qaidu. It is quite probable that, either at that moment, or at the time of Nayan's rebellion, which Qaidu favoured though he did not actually come to Nayan's rescue as he had promised, Qaidu took possession of the «great qoriq» itself. This would explain Qubilai's grief, as expressed in the text of undetermined origin alluded to by
PALLADIUS.
III. — Long after Qubilai's death, the ordos of defunct Emperors were still maintained, though we cannot ascertain whether they remained at their original location or were transferred to the vicinity of the tombs; the Chinese custom, which would favour the second solution, need not have been binding for the Mongols. As an illustration, I may quote the four following passages of the YS, which occur in the course of three years :
a. (33, 9 a) : « The second year t'ien-li ... , in the eleventh month, ... on the day ping-ch'ên (November 24, 1329) ... , an Imperial Edict prescribed that the Empresses and concubines and
the servants who accompanied (j>â p'ei-ts'ung, the usual term for those who live at the tomb of
a deceased Emperor) the [defunct] Saints (i. e. Emperors) should be given for ever clothing and grain, fodder and millet. »
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