IIIFカラー高解像度
国立情報学研究所 - ディジタル・シルクロード・プロジェクト
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| IIIFカラー高解像度 |
| India and Tibet : vol.1 | |
| インドとチベット : vol.1 |
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引用情報
408 SOME CONCLUSIONS
British nation has supported its Viceroys, Governors and
their Agents better than any other nation have sup-
ported theirs, or we should not be in India now.
But of late the discretion and responsibility of the
Government of India have been most seriously diminished.
Secretaries of State, partly of their own initiative, and
partly because active bands of faddists exert a dispro-
portionately great influence upon them, while the more
sensible members of the House of Commons, on account of
their silence, exercise a disproportionately small influence,
have interfered more and more in even the details of
Indian administration. The system is no longer one of
selecting the best available men, and then supporting
them, on the assumption that in the unusual conditions
under which we govern India, they will rule it better
than anyone can from England. The system is now
becoming one of directing the Government from England
on lines which an ignorant British electorate is most
likely to approve. The result is a general weakening all
down the line. No one feels responsibility. And the
British elector, who has been field up to the Englishman
in India as the man who ultimately controls his actions,
and who should, therefore, have the responsibility, simply
shrugs his shoulders and asks what India has to do with
him.
And while British administrators in India thus have
less and less confidence placed in them, they on their part
have little cause to be placing increasing confidence in their
controllers and rulers. Those who control Indian affairs
from London have, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred,
never been in India. They are as a rule personally un-
acquainted with Indian conditions. And the Cabinet is
not composed of men with a wide and long experience of
Imperial affairs ; of Indian and Colonial, as well as English,
questions ; and of European and Asiatic diplomacy. It may
occasionally include an ex- Viceroy of India, but it never
includes a Colonial statesman, or an ex-Colonial Governor,
or an ex-Ambassador, much less an Anglo-Indian adminis-
trator. It is almost exclusively composed of men with
purely English Parliamentary experience, and a Minister is
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